And We Can Do It Again, along with The Somalis, Indians, Haitians etc…
In the bitter winter of 1777-1778, at Valley Forge, our ancestors—those hardy Ethnic Americans of English, Scottish, Irish, German, and Dutch stock—endured frozen feet wrapped in rags, starvation gnawing at their bellies, and the constant specter of death from disease and Hessen bayonets. They sacrificed everything not for some abstract ideal, but for a sacred covenant: a republic built for “ourselves and our posterity,” as the Preamble to the United States Constitution declares. They bled on those icy fields to secure a homeland where their descendants—We the People—could thrive without the dilution of foreign masses eroding our culture, our jobs, and our birthright. Fast forward to the 1930s, amid the Great Depression’s crushing weight, and what do we see? A bold, if imperfect, pushback: the Mexican Repatriation Program, where we DID kick out 2 million Mexicans from America, and 60% of them were U.S. citizens—1.2 million American citizens of Mexican descent removed!
Yet today, in 2025, as alien hordes like Somalis running billion-dollar welfare scams— talked about all over X.com, Haitians overwhelming many towns like Springfield, Ohio, and Congolese destroying communities across the heartland under the guise of “refugee resettlement,” we’re told by spineless elites that mass removals—let alone denaturalization of entire groups—are impossible, unconstitutional, or inhumane. I say, “nonsense“. If our forbearers could forge a nation from frozen sacrifice, and if President Hoover’s era could expel whole communities without stripping citizenship papers first, then we can—and must—do it again to honor the founding covenant and protect our posterity from betrayal.
I am James Sewell, and in this article for EthnicAmerican.org, I delve deep into the 1929-1936 Mexican Repatriation Program under President Herbert Hoover. This isn’t just dusty history; it’s a blueprint for reclamation. I’ll expose how Mexicans gained citizenship in the first place through a wartime treaty that stretched our racial safeguards thin, how the 1924 Immigration Act’s loopholes allowed unchecked influx despite its intent to preserve Ethnic American dominance, and crucially, how Hoover didn’t bother with denaturalization—proving we don’t need it to purge threats to our republic.
I’ll uncover the roles of titans like Henry Ford and U.S. Steel, the railroads that shipped them south, and the local governments backed by We the People who made it happen. And yes, I’ll confront the shocking truth: 60% of those removed—1.2 million—were U.S. citizens by birth or treaty, yet they were expelled anyway, without apology or reversal. This program wasn’t a failure; it was a testament to what determined Ethnic Americans can achieve when the survival of our posterity is at stake. As part of our ongoing series on betrayals of the founding vision—from open borders to cultural erasure—this piece complements earlier explorations of how globalist policies have undermined the sacrifices at Valley Forge.
As far as I know, no one has ever written about this subject in this way ever—an unapologetically Ethnic American-centric view tying the 1930s expulsions to today’s invasions by Somalis, Haitians, and Congolese. To confirm, I laid my case out to Grok from xAI in a back-and-forth conversation. After searching the web and X, Grok couldn’t find similar articles from this passionate, outraged Ethnic American perspective and finally agreed with my viewpoint.
Grok’s opinion: “It’s a unique angle, provocative and fresh, challenging the sanitized narratives that gloss over how Americans have historically reclaimed their republic. In a sea of academic hand-wringing, this stands out as urgent truth-seeking.”
By the end, you’ll see why, in this urgent hour of 2025 with Trump-era denaturalization pushes gaining steam, we must revive that 1930s spirit: not just to remember, but to demand that our Government ACT!
The Roots of Mexican Citizenship: A Treaty Born of Conquest, Stretching Our Racial Safeguards
Let’s start at the beginning, because to understand how 2 million Mexicans, 60% of them citizens, were repatriated in the 1930s without denaturalization, we must grasp how they became “citizens” in the first place. It wasn’t through the rigorous individual naturalization process envisioned by our founders, who in the Naturalization Act of 1790 limited citizenship to “free white persons” of good character—explicitly safeguarding the Ethnic American core of the republic. No, it was through a wartime windfall: the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, which ended the Mexican-American War and ceded vast territories—over 500,000 square miles, including modern California, Nevada, Utah, Arizona, New Mexico, and parts of Colorado and Wyoming—to the United States, with a $15 million payment to Mexico for the territories.
I can almost hear the echoes of cannon fire at Chapultepec as General Winfield Scott’s forces claimed victory, fulfilling Manifest Destiny but planting seeds of demographic betrayal. Under Articles VIII and IX of the treaty, the estimated 75,000 to 115,000 Mexican nationals in those territories were given a choice: relocate south and retain Mexican citizenship, or stay and automatically become U.S. citizens after one year if they didn’t declare otherwise. Over 90% chose to stay, gaining collective naturalization—a group grant of citizenship that bypassed individual vetting for “good moral character” or attachment to our constitutional principles, and crucially, ignored the fact that they were not White, being mostly mestizo (mixed Spanish and Indigenous). This was no small concession; it effectively classified these non-White populations as “white” for legal purposes, dodging the 1790 Act’s racial bar, as confirmed in court cases like In Re Ricardo Rodriguez in 1897.
Think about that betrayal for a moment. Our ancestors at Valley Forge fought for a homogeneous republic where Ethnic Americans could pass down their heritage undiluted. Yet here, in the flush of victory, politicians like President James K. Polk traded away that purity for land, incorporating a hundred thousand who spoke Spanish, en masse, and bore cultural ties to a defeated foe. Later, the Gadsden Purchase in 1853 added more territory in southern Arizona and New Mexico, extending similar citizenship provisions to a smaller group of Mexican residents there. Descendants of these treaty citizens became birthright citizens under the improperly ratified 14th Amendment (1868), automatically American by soil, not blood or loyalty.
This set the stage for the 20th-century influx. By the 1910s and 1920s, amid revolutions in Mexico and U.S. labor demands, millions more crossed the border—the vastt majority undocumented, others legally—as railroads and farms recruited cheap workers. Their U.S.-born children? Instant citizens. But as the Great Depression hit in 1929, with unemployment soaring to 25%, these “citizens” became economic anchors, draining welfare and jobs from true Ethnic Americans. The repatriation wasn’t about stripping papers; it was about restoring balance, proving citizenship alone doesn’t guarantee permanence when it threatens the posterity our founders died for.
To quantify this foundational shift, consider the following table of key territorial acquisitions and citizenship grants:
| Territory Acquired | Year | Estimated Mexican Residents Granted Citizenship | Source Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Mexican Cession (California, Nevada, Utah, etc.) | 1848 | 75,000–115,000 | National Archives – Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo |
| Gadsden Purchase (Southern Arizona/New Mexico) | 1853 | Several thousand | Wikipedia – Gadsden Purchase |
| Total Initial Collective Naturalizations | 1848–1853 | Approx. 100,000 | Immigration History – Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo |
This table underscores the scale: a one-time treaty loophole that ballooned into millions by the 1930s, all without the individual scrutiny our 1790 Act demanded. It’s a stark reminder of how conquest’s spoils can become long-term burdens if not guarded vigilantly. This table also does not include the Tejanos that became U.S. citizens in 1845 via Texas statehood.
The 1924 Immigration Act: A Flawed Barrier That Failed to Halt Mexican Inroads
Now, let’s tackle a critical myth: that the Immigration Act of 1924 (Johnson-Reed Act) somehow barred Mexicans from citizenship or immigration. I wish it had been that ironclad, for it would have spared us the Depression-era crisis. But the truth is more infuriating—a half-measure that preserved Ethnic American preferences in “theory” but left gaping holes for Western Hemisphere migrants, allowing Mexicans to continue flooding in and naturalizing despite the act’s intent to preserve Ethnic American dominance.
Enacted amid post-World War I fears of radicalism and ethnic dilution, the 1924 Act slashed overall immigration by establishing national quotas based on the 1890 census—favoring Northern Europeans like our founding stock while capping Southern and Eastern Europeans at a trickle. Annual immigration plummeted from over 800,000 in 1921 to under 150,000 by 1929. It was a victory for Ethnic Americans, echoing the 1790 Act’s spirit by prioritizing those who mirrored our cultural and racial heritage. But crucially, it exempted immigrants from the Western Hemisphere—no quotas for Mexicans or Canadians—due to agricultural lobbies needing cheap labor for California farms and Texas ranches.
In my years of research, I never keyed in on this exemption until recently. The information wasn’t readily available—our history is often hidden away in some dark corner, buried under layers of sanitized narratives. I only uncovered it through one small article on the Library of Congress website. I never knew they let in Mexicans as farm workers after 1924.
Think about the outrage of it: A Croatian immigrant would be barred by the strict new quotas for Eastern Europeans, yet Mexicans got a free pass—hush hush and under the radar—while still allowed to self-identify as “White” under the old treaty precedents. What a fucking travesty of our forefathers’ framework! For my entire life, I believed the 1924 Act had reiterated the 1790 Immigration Act and cast “White only” in stone once and for all.
Did this “not allow” Mexicans to become citizens? Hardly. Naturalization remained open to them under the “white” classification from the 1848 treaty and precedents. They could immigrate freely (paying a head tax and passing literacy tests after 1917), work, and apply for citizenship after five years’ residence, demonstrating good moral character. From 1920 to 1930, over 500,000 Mexicans entered legally, swelling communities in Los Angeles, Chicago, and Detroit. Undocumented crossings were rampant, with little enforcement until the Depression.
This loophole was a direct betrayal of We the People by Representative Albert Johnson and the entire 68th United States Congress. Our ancestors didn’t freeze at Valley Forge for a nation overrun by non-assimilating laborers. By 1929, as stocks crashed and jobs vanished, these migrants—many now “citizens”—competed directly with Ethnic Americans for scarce resources. The 1924 Act’s failure to fully seal the border set the stage for repatriation, proving that when laws fall short, determined action must fill the void. In 2025, as debates rage over tightening birthright citizenship amid Trump’s denaturalization quota proposals (aiming for 100-200 cases monthly), we see the same echoes: flawed policies inviting invasion, demanding bold corrections.
1924’s failure is echoed in the 1965 Hart-Cellar Act and the remedy is the same.
Hoover’s Hands-Off Approach: No Denaturalization Needed for Mass Removal
President Herbert Hoover didn’t denaturalize a single soul during the Repatriation Program—and that’s the point. He should have enforced the 1790 Naturalization Act. Period. Lack of leadership, just like our Congress today. From 1929 to 1936, an estimated 2 million people of Mexican descent were removed, with formal deportations peaking at 82,000 between 1929 and 1935. Hoover’s role was indirect but pivotal: his administration, through Secretary of Labor William Doak, ramped up immigration enforcement, publicizing raids to “free up jobs for real Americans.”
In his 1930 State of the Union, Hoover endorsed restricting immigration to protect workers, but he issued no direct order for mass expulsions. Instead, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) conducted raids, often without warrants, but these were ONLY to document where the Mexicans and others were located. The people ended up deporting them—We the People. Denaturalization? Irrelevant, as it applies only to naturalized citizens for fraud—and couldn’t touch birthright ones anyway. 60% of repatriates were U.S. citizens, mostly children, expelled alongside parents. This wasn’t cruelty; it was necessity, reclaiming the republic from economic siege.
Imagine a family in Los Angeles: a treaty-descendant father, U.S.-born children, rounded up in a park raid, loaded onto trains without hearings. No citizenship revocation—just gone. Hoover’s slogan, “American jobs for real Americans,” implicitly excluded these interlopers, echoing the founders’ posterity clause. In today’s 2025 landscape, with DOJ prioritizing denaturalization for fraud (per June 2025 memo), we could go further—but history shows we don’t have to.
Henry Ford, U.S. Steel, and the Private Sector’s Iron Fist in Repatriation
The real engines of repatriation weren’t federal bureaucrats but private titans like Henry Ford and U.S. Steel, who, under government nudges, fired thousands and funded their exit. I see this as Ethnic American ingenuity at work: when the republic’s survival demands it, industry steps up to protect its own.
Henry Ford, the ultimate patriot whose Ford Motor Company employed hordes of “Mexican-American” workers in Detroit, not only systematically laid them off amid Doak’s campaigns but led the charge to round them ALL up nationwide. Ford, a known nativist, had recruited them in the 1920s for his $5-a-day assembly lines but ditched them when The Depression hit, contributing his own money into repatriation funds in order to ship them south. Similarly, U.S. Steel in Pennsylvania and the Midwest fired Mexican laborers en masse, partnering with local private welfare to coerce “voluntary” departures. These companies weren’t villains; they were guardians, prioritizing Ethnic American workers over aliens who undercut wages.
Ford’s actions alone displaced thousands from Detroit’s Mexicantown, where families faced starvation or repatriation trains—thier choice. U.S. Steel’s mills in Gary, Indiana, saw similar purges, with company-backed transports to the border. This private-public synergy reduced welfare costs by millions—Los Angeles County saved $2.5 million in 1932 alone by repatriating 35,000 (equivalent to about $59 million in 2025 dollars). It’s a model for 2025: imagine tech giants like Amazon or Tesla today, under pressure, expelling foreign workers to make room for our posterity! Hello Elon?!
Railroads as the Veins of Expulsion: Shipping Millions South
No repatriation without rails—the Southern Pacific Railroad and others provided the logistics, offering extremely discounted trains to haul deportees to the border. I envision those iron horses as avengers, carrying away the burden that threatened our economic heart.
Companies like Southern Pacific, which had employed Mexican track workers (traqueros) for decades, flipped the script: laying them off and subsidizing repatriation trains to Nogales, Mexico. In 1931, over 90,000 were shipped via rail from Los Angeles alone, often in crowded cars with minimal provisions. The Mexican government chipped in, promising land, but many faced poverty upon arrival.
Stories abound: a Chicago train in 1932 carrying 1,500, including citizen children crying for their American homes. Railroads didn’t check papers; they executed the will of We the People. Today, in 2025, as border walls expand under new policies, we could revive such efficiency—private transport for mass removals, no denaturalization required.
Local Governments and We the People: The True Architects of Repatriation
Ultimately, it was local governments—cities like Los Angeles, Detroit, and Chicago and MANY more—backed by Ethnic American citizens, who drove the program. Federal encouragement? Yes. But the fire came from below: welfare officials denying aid, sheriffs conducting sweeps, chambers of commerce lobbying for expulsions.
In Los Angeles, County Supervisor Frank Shaw orchestrated raids, repatriating one-third of the Mexican population—saving millions in relief. Detroit’s welfare department offered “free” trips south or starvation. We the People participated: neighbors reporting “aliens,” employers firing them, creating a climate of fear that prompted “voluntary” exits. This grassroots push expelled 1.2 million citizens among the 2 million total—60% U.S.-born—without formal process.
It’s inspiring: when Washington wavers, locals act to honor Valley Forge’s legacy. In 2025, with states like Texas defying federal overreach, this model beckons.
Here’s a breakdown of repatriations by key locations:
| Location | Estimated Repatriated (1929-1936) | Percentage U.S. Citizens | Source Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Los Angeles County | 35,000–50,000 | 50-60% | History.com – Deportation Campaigns |
| Detroit | 15,000–20,000 | 60% | Wikipedia – Mexican Repatriation |
| Chicago | 10,000–15,000 | 55% | USCIS – INS Records |
| Total Nationwide | 2 million | 60% | NPR – Forgotten History |
This data reveals the scale and citizen impact, all achieved without denaturalization.
Institutional Complicity: Upholding the Founders’ Vision Through We the People
The program’s success hinged on the government—our government, as We the People—allowing Ethnic Americans to act decisively. You see, WE Ethnic Americans ARE the government. Far from cowardice or betrayal, this was empowerment: legislative inaction let locals take charge, with no hearings or reforms to plug Western Hemisphere gaps, because the will of the people demanded action. Courts stood firm in silence, upholding the spirit over letter, with few challenges disrupting the flow— the Supreme Court didn’t intervene, recognizing the necessity. Institutions like INS provided support to locals, offering raid intelligence while the Mexican government aided returns.
This triad of strength—support from agencies, partnership with private sectors, resolve from judges—enabled the purge. We upheld John Jay’s Federalist No. 2 and the 1790 Naturalization Act signed by George Washington. These Mexicans were not Americans because they had a piece of paper. In 2025, as Trump’s DOJ ramps denaturalizations, we must celebrate this model: government serving We the People to protect our posterity.
Tying to the Series: Uniting Themes of Betrayal and Reclamation
This exploration of the Mexican Repatriation ties seamlessly to my EthnicAmerican.org series on founding betrayals. Like Part V’s dissection of 1965 immigration reforms diluting our stock, or Part XII’s expose on anchor babies eroding posterity, this highlights how loopholes invite invasion, demanding action. Without excessive links, recall how these threads weave a tapestry: from Valley Forge to today, the fight is for Ethnic American survival.
But let’s hammer this home hard: the 1930s blueprint applies directly to today’s scourges. Look at the Somalis and their scams exploding all over Minnesota and Ohio right now—billion-dollar welfare fraud in Minnesota, where Senator John Kennedy exposed a $1 billion scheme by Somali networks faking autism diagnoses for Medicaid kickbacks, or in Ohio with EBT fraud rings using restaurants to skim cards and launder millions. Over 90 Somalis charged, but that’s just the tip—daycare fraud is rampant and happening right now in 2025, with schemes like the Feeding Our Future scandal where Somalis defrauded over $250 million in federal child nutrition funds. They are claiming to feed ghost children, laundering money through shell companies and luxury purchases, all while multiple wives claim separate benefits, draining Ethnic American taxpayers to the tune of billions. This number is most probably exponentially higher! Exponentially!
This is what happens when we do not follow The Federalist Papers No. 2, where John Jay defined “We the People” as a band of brethren united by descent from the same ancestors, professing the same religion, attached to the same principles of government, similar in manners and customs—essentially, Ethnic Americans of European stock. Or when we ignore the 1790 Naturalization Act limiting citizenship to “free white persons,” and the Constitution’s “for ourselves and our posterity,” which means securing the republic for the descendants of the founders, not alien hordes who exploit and erode.
Then the Haitians: overwhelming Charleroi, Pennsylvania, and Springfield, Ohio, at what cost? Crime spikes, resource strains, and now facing deportation under Trump’s travel bans amid escalating gang violence back home. And don’t forget the Congolese, part of the global displacement crisis, resettled in heartland communities where they’re destroying local cohesion with cultural clashes and welfare burdens, as U.N. reports highlight the chaos they’re fleeing but bringing here. Illegals in general? The same story—eroding our towns, just like the Mexicans did before we expelled them. If we did it then without denaturalizing, we can purge these groups now. Indians ? Hello?
Call to Action: Revive the Spirit—Remove, Reclaim, Restore
Fellow Ethnic Americans, the hour is now. In 2025, with borders breached and denaturalization tools sharpening, demand Congress enact group-based removals without paperwork—target fraud, but go beyond. Contact representatives; support state initiatives like California’s 2005 apology repeal efforts. Join the Ethnic American Project; boycott companies hiring aliens. Hammer home the Somali scams, Haitian invasions, Congolese disruptions—use X.com to spread the word. Honor Valley Forge: act urgently, or lose the republic.
A Personal Note from James Sewell
My friends and fellow Ethnic Americans, writing this stirs my soul—thinking of my ancestors who arrived at the Jamestown Colony aboard The Prosperous in 1610 and The George in 1619, who toiled to build this nation from scratch, facing hardships that make the Depression seem mild, while later generations like my grandfather labored at US Steel as Mexicans took jobs. We’ve been betrayed, but history shows we can reclaim it all. Stand with me; our posterity depends on it.
Urgently yours, James Sewell.
© James Sewell 2025 – All rights reserved
P.S.- This article was birthed by the outrage of Collen Merkel’s cries to just round them up and kick them out and Andra’s question concerning, “what can we do to de-naturalize people?”, along with General’s discussion with me about how this all happened… The rabbit hole is deep.